The urge to save humanity is almost always a false front for the urge to rule. – H.L. Mencken
The urge to save humanity is almost always a false front for the urge to rule. – H.L. Mencken
I’ve just finished reading Power and Market by Murray Rothbard, a masterly analysis of government intervention in the economy. The book forms the last section of Man, Economy and State (“MES”), and was originally intended to be the published in the same volume. However the original publishers unfortunately considered it to be too “radical” and excluded it from MES. Recently, the Ludwig von Mises Institute has republished the whole thing as originally intended – in one book. Page numbers refer to this edition. The most important section of Power and Market is a difficult call to make, but ultimately the prize has to go "Defense Services on the Free Market", which forms just the first ten pages. Rothbard here demonstrates that the free market can, economically speaking, provide for everything. Seriously, everything – including defense against violent invasion of person and property, courts and so on. This isn’t, as Rothbard repeatedly stresses, a work on ethics, so he only provides utilitarian arguments in support of his contentions. Rothbard’s basic argument is a simple one, and follows on from the pathbreaking work of Gustave de Molinari, who wrote in his essay The Production of Security that:
If you believe that government monopoly is wasteful for most goods, leading to higher prices and lower quality, then to be consistent you have to conclude that the government monopoly on the production of law and order is similarly unproductive. Yet many people who agree that government monopolies are bad still have problems with free-market provision of justice. One by one, Rothbard addresses the common objections. Rothbard notes that “we can discover a great myriad of necessary, indispensable goods and services all of which might be considered 'preconditions' of market activity. Is not land room vital, or food for each participant, or clothing, or shelter? ... Must all these goods and services therefore be supplied by the State and the State only?” (p.1050). The error, then, consists in treating “defense” as a holistic concept rather than a good which, like everything else, must have scarce means allocated to it amongst other ends. To borrow an example from Hans-Hermann Hoppe at the recent Mises Seminar – surely I require a greater provision of defense than Arnold Schwarzenegger does – but the State, in its infinite wisdom, ignores such differences. Rothbard also deals swiftly with various “nightmare scenario’ objections: what if two defense agencies disagree? Then there arises a market for arbitration services. Even in the massively inefficient State-run courts of today, disputes arising between inhabitants of different countries still get resolved despite the state of “anarchy” existing between court systems. What if a defense agency decides to go rogue and assault its customers, and generally acts like a mafia? There will likely always be bad guys around. But surely instituting and legitimizing a State that fundamentally subsists on mafia-like means (theft, or “taxation”), to “protect” private property rights, isn’t much of a solution. It is, in fact, precisely this inherent contradiction that forms the core of Rothbard’s argument against the classical liberals. Power and Market then moves into an economic analysis of various government grants of monopoly (licensing, tariffs and so on), following from Rothbard’s thesis in MES that monopoly can only be coherently defined as a grant of government privilege. An analysis of taxation follows, skewering the economists’ fruitless search for a 'just tax' or a 'neutral tax'. Towards the end of the work, another very interesting chapter appears entitled "Antimarket Ethics: a Praxeological Critique". While again stressing that the book isn’t a work on ethics, Rothbard here posits that economics can criticize ethical goals on the basis of “…(1) existential errors made in the formulation of ethical propositions and (2) the possible existential meaninglessness and inner inconsistency of the goals themselves” (p. 1297). This brilliant chapter also demolishes the goal of “equality”. As Rothbard says, “In all discussions it is considered self-evident that equality is a very worthy goal… But if mankind is diverse and individuated, then how can anyone propose equality as an ideal?” (p. 1309, emphasis in original). In the context of value-free economics, Power and Market is a great complementary text to Man, Economy and State. The only criticism that I can think of is that there is some overlap between the material here and that of the last chapter of MES. This makes for somewhat tedious reading in parts. However, Power and Market is far more detailed, and is well worth the effort. For an understanding of the economics involved, I would recommend reading MES first, as without it some of Power and Market will be difficult to understand. And remember, a libertarian also needs ethical arguments in addition to the important task of understanding the economics of freedom. So after these two, I’d go for The Ethics of Liberty.
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